Rothschild's _Return To Diversity_ really is an outstanding classic (easily withstanding the cliched abuse of that label!). I have yet to see a better one-volume treatment of the postwar political history of Eastern Europe. Not that Geoffrey Swain and Nigel Swain's book is bad, just that Rothschild is richer and treats each country in more detail.

Rothschild does not deal with the Baltics or other republics of the former Soviet Union. He treats Poland, Hungary, the former Czechoslovakia, the former Yugoslavia, Romania, Bulgaria, and Albania in their respective sections in each chapter.

His introductory background chapters, one on the interwar period and an even longer one on WW II are excellent summaries, considering Rothschild has already written the classic on _East Central Europe between the Two World Wars_.

I used _Return to Diversity_ both as a student ten years ago, and recently to teach a course on the politics of Eastern Europe; I was very happy to find it still being published. Going back through it, I was amazed how consistently Rothschild treats each country on the topics of leadership politics, economic development, social relationships vis-a-vis each regime, the extent of opposition and civil society, and foreign relations. He did it so well that I was able to construct a one-page "grille" of essential, quick and dirty information to help students compare countries (after having them concentrate on two countries each).

Not only is this book perfect to catch students up on communist history in the most efficient way, I personally find it invaluable to verify basic facts and details quickly. Country specialists will, of course, need to look elsewhere for details for which surveys simply don't have the space.

The updated chapter on post-communist politics (presumably where most of Dr. Wingfield's contribution comes in) is good as far as it goes, but frankly, you'll find more thorough treatments of post-communist Eastern Europe elsewhere in more space than this volume has available.

Overall, this book is well worth the money and easily merits five stars. The style of writing may put some laypeople and students off, but the fact is that Rothschild writes very eloquently as an "old school" historian, and if it sometimes seems dry, it's because of all the information he managed to cram into it. I repeat, this book is the best survey of communist Eastern Europe out there, and will no doubt remain so for some time to come.

Here is a book that elicits a comparative approach to the study of Russian literature by advancing a nuanced set of theoretical concepts drawn from other fields. This slim volume is extremely rich in content, proffering what might be termed a 'conceptualist' approach to literary history. Carefully selecting its theoretical influences from recent French theory and Freudian psychoanalysis for their effective value rather than for any current fashionability, the book opens comparative literature onto Russian Studies in a way that is strikingly rare.

Kujundzic tenures the thesis that a reading of Nietzsche after 1900 forms part of the credit on which Russian modernist literature and theory is drawn. The author allies himself with the thesis advanced by Boris Groys that, repressed by the Soviets, the influence of Nietzsche on Russian modernism is not simply present or absent, but has left its traces. It becomes the goal of the book to patiently track down and uncover these influences, weaving a compelling argument for the case that Nietzsche's writings function themselves as a repressed memory of Russian modernism. The book then reinscribes the effects of that influence in their proper place in the continuum of Russian literary history.

Kujundzic introduces into historical interpretation a psychoanalytically inspired model of temporality in order to properly understand this obsession with time. He employs a striking connection between the Freudian concept of personal history, in which a traumatic event returns repeatedly to haunt the present moment and so needs to be duly worked through, and Nietzsche's well-known writings concerning the excessive burdens of historical weight. This theoretical coupling of Nietzsche and Freud forms an axiomatic subtext from which the book proceeds to produce its most valuable insights into the idiosyncratic character of Russian modernism's history.

Kujundzic places the study of Russian literary and intellectual history in the mainstream of contemporary criticism, showing their roots in a preoccupation with postmodern topics. The book advances the concept that a link between Russian modernism and postmodern theories can be recovered via Nietzsche, proposing that it is with Nietzsche's notion of the 'non-contemporary' that Russian literary modernity is to be thought. Perhaps the most compelling argument put forth is that Nietzsche and postmodern theories are not simply to be applied to Russian modernity. Rather, modernism's attempts to come to terms with notions of 'the literary' and 'history' already bely a major preoccupation with temporality. One consequence of Kujundzic's analysis would be that Formalism can no longer be read simply according to its 'estrangement' from post-structuralist topics, but must be read in its uncanny proximity to them.

20 years out, it's STILL the best damn reverse index of Manchu on the market!

David-Fox presents the most complete and archivally-influenced assessment of the politcal higher education programs of the early Soviet period available in the historical literature. He begins with an assessment of the pre-Revolutionary precursors of these institutions. He provides a rich cultural and social background to his assessment of the Soviet higher educational institutions, as well as an account of the leadership's involement in their origins and operation.

I highly recommend this book to any students of Soviet social history, education, or politics.

This is a very well researched and extremely insightful book on a period of our modern history that is often forgotten about. The many leftist movements in the early part of the last century are usually taken as a whole; there's a lot of room for nuance, and the many well-intentioned and morally correct movements within the monolithic whole are often forgotten about. This book tells us about people who wanted to do right and chose the option that was most obvious to them. Give their ideas about a better world a hearing.

As one of Chavez' former secretaries, it was interesting to see Cesar's very personal, conversational speaking style analyzed so diligently. In addition, readers see Cesar in the context of his work with farm workers and the general public, which he approached for support of the grape, lettuce, and other boycotts. While a plum piece of reading for academicians, it warrants reading by anyone interested in Cesar and his speaking style--such a person might find the work weighty and often repetitious. There's no question, though, nothing more thorough has been published about the man so far. The material is helpful for my own upcoming books on my friendship with Cesar.

It is a great book about the history of Rugby in Rhodesia and how it started. The international games and the scores. For Rugby lovers interested in the history of the game in a litle country in Africa.

In an increasing dissonance of haughty misinformation about our religous liberties this book is a haven of rest and reflexive thought. Author Barry Lynn tackles with ease the burning questions of the hour. Do your kids have the right to pray in school? Why is the effect of school vouchers so difficult to define? Did the founding fathers really say we can have freedom only if we're religious? With the religious right making people think that their rights are being done away with, this book is a must have. My daughter prays @ school before her meals each day, and no one disturbs her. School vouchers only seem good for our kids, the fact is, vouchers would take much needed funding out of our schools when they need it most. In the ruling on Santa Fe,the supreme court isn't curtailing any rights previously held by the people. This book answers these questions in a clear and systematic fashion. If you visit the websites of most religious rights groups, you'll see that they admit what they're not willing to say in public: Our religious liberties are NOT UNDER ATTACK (visit the FAQ section of 'religiousliberty.com', maintained by religious right groups and see for yourself). To stay on top of the issues, read this book. The information and counsel is undeniable. Maybe that's why religious right leaders absolutely dislike debating Barry Lynn on TV.

freedom and rights union in the world

As the ACLU points out, "The Constitution does not apply to the private sector.....(but) People should not have to hang up the Bill of Rights at the time clock or the office door. Employees are not pieces of equipment. Treating them with dignity and fairness is not inconsistent with good, competitive, management." ( http://www.aclu.org/issues/worker/iswr.html) Lots of luck convincing your boss that you should not ,for example, be required to answer incriminating questions. Lots of luck with discussions of due process , hearsay evidence at hearings, etc., etc., ad nauseam. My boss just doesn't get it. He says "The next thing you'll want is to elect bosses." Good idea, but its time has not yet come; however it would simplify things immensely if we were looking at a system of justice at work that was similar to what we see outside in REAL life. Isn't the pay you earn as real a "property" as any other? No one should be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, even at work. This ACLU handbook may help. It covers, in question and answer form, what meager rights one does have in everything from hiring, to discipline and termination. After you (and your boss?) read it let's try to get together and "revolutionize" workplace justice.